The Digital Diplomat

The Pakistani Response: Zardari’s Tightrope

by Justin Delabar on 02/12/08 at 9:42 pm

Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari today spoke out about the Mumbai attacks, assuring the world that his government is in no way responsible for the massacre despite India’s claims that the attackers hailed from his country:

“I think these are stateless actors who have been operating all throughout the region,” Zardari said on CNN’s “Larry King Live” in an interview set to air Tuesday night. “The gunmen plus the planners, whoever they are, [are] stateless actors who have been holding hostage the whole world.”

Zardari then suggested that the one attacker reportedly captured is not Pakistani, even though Indian officials claim to have information proving otherwise:

Asked about the suspect in custody, Zardari said: “We have not been given any tangible proof to say that he is definitely a Pakistani. I very much doubt it, Larry, that he is a Pakistani.”

Zardari –  a man who is still adjusting to life in the forefront of the Pakistani political zeitgeist — is awkwardly trying to shore up Pakstani domestic support to protect his own position from rivals in both the military and parliament. He lacks the full allegiance of the military, a powerful institution that has become marginalized and embarrassed following the rise of the PPP and PML (N)-led parliamentary coalition that led directly to General Pervez Musharraf’s resignation. He also faces an increasingly antagonistic Nawiz Sharif, the once-allied PNL (N) leader who has lost influence following the sudden ascension of Zardari to the presidency.

The Pakistani military, which has been deeply involved in Pakistan’s political sphere since the country’s inception, does have ties to Lashkar-e-Taiba, the Pakistan-based terrorist organization that India and the US State Department suggests was behind last week’s attacks. The military’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) supported the group’s development in the 1980s to combat the Russian advance into Afghanistan and allied with Lashkar jihadis during the Pakistan-India Kargil War during the summer of 1999.   Lashkar-e-Taiba is not just an instrument of terror, however — it also provides a wide range of social services in Pakistan including health care and an extensive system of  madrasas that double as terrorist training camps. It is a similar model to that followed by Hizzbolah in southern Lebanon and Hamas in the Gaza Strip — by gaining the support of locals through the doling out of social services, the organization becomes deeply rooted and difficult to remove no matter the violent policies it may pursue. For the Pakistani military and the ISI this is a wonderful boon for policy making and implementation. For the moderate elements of the Pakistani government, including the civilian leadership, Lashkar’s cancerous ingrowth makes it nearly impossible to combat.

Lashkar-e-Taiba’s indoctrinating capability, honed by its network of madrasas, is extensive and serves as a fertile slate for suggestion. However, the military and ISI do not have direct control over the organization or its actions. In the case of the Indian attacks it is difficult to say whether or not the military or its ISI had any sort of involvement in directing the terrorist contingent due to Lashkar-e-Taiba’s independent nature, but the military’s history with Lashkar-e-Taiba has raised understandable questions among India’s leaders.  President Zardari, understanding the relationship between the ISI and Lashkar-e-Taiba, views the current situation as an opportunity to quietly defend the Pakistani military and potentially gain respect among the generals who have viewed his presidency as little more that a temporary aberation.

Nawaz Sharif has also placed Zardari in a difficult position, forcing his hand on responding to the Mumbai attacks. Earlier today Sharif sought to take leadership on the Mumbai issue by calling for a special session of the Pakistani National Assembly to address the crisis. At the same time Sharif saw it fit to publicly ostracize Pakistani Chief Justice Abdul Hameed Dogar, the man who swore Zardari into office in September despite controversy over the legality of the action. Dogar has recently found himself accused of using his influence to garner a better examinaton result for his daughter:

“Yes, parliament should discuss the situation in the backdrop of the Mumbai attacks and national security and the government should immediately summon a National Assembly session for this purpose. The assembly should also take up the issue of undue favour given to the daughter of PCO Chief Justice of Pakistan by an examination board,” Nawaz Sharif said.

Nawaz Sharif also threatened that his party would launch a nationwide movement if the chief justice did not resign from his post. “How can a top judge who is involved in arranging unjustified additional marks for his daughter administer justice to people?” he asked.

Sharif is obviously pushing Dogar’s corruption in order to cast doubt on the validity of Zardari’s presidency while also making a play for leadership in the first great crisis to face Pakistan in the Zardari era. In defense Zardari has been forced to quickly find a strong voice on the Mumbai attacks in order to wrest the spotlight away from Sharif and the Dogar issue.

Asif Ali Zardari has numerous pitfalls to avoid if he wishes to remain in control of his country, including a lukewarm and standoffish military and what appears to be mounting opposition from former ally-of-conveinence Nawaz Sharif. However, in these days following the travesty in Mumbai, Zardari must find it within himself to be more than just another Pakistani president — he must be a true leader in a time of great promise and peril. While he has taken the domestic political safe ground by claiming the Mumbai terrorists as “stateless”, he must know that groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba threaten not only India, but Pakistan’s ability to develop into a modern polity capable of joining the global community of nations. He must only think back to what happened to his beloved wife, Benazir Bhutto, to be reminded of what unbridled terrorism means for Pakistan’s hopes for development, progress and freedom.